City Protects
Companion to Minneapolis: A City Protects Her Own
City Protects
Companion to Minneapolis: A City Protects Her Own
The book ends with a to-do list. This is where it stays current — the living companion to the appendix, updated as organizations and needs change. And right now the single most important item on it is the one below.
Last updated: October 19, 2026 · Verify each link before you give; this landscape moves fast.
Freedom is a fragile thing and is never more than one generation away from extinction.
Ronald Reagan, inaugural address as governor of California, January 5, 1967
When our communities were under attack, we stood up and we fought back. And when our democracy is under attack, we will do the exact same thing.
Moriah O’Malley, Monarca Democracy Defense, Unidos MN, April 2026
Early voting in Minnesota opens September 18. Register or check your registration by October 13 — or register at the polls on election day.
The watchers, drivers, and food-shelf volunteers in this book protected their neighbors without waiting for permission. The ballot is the one form of that protection every citizen already holds.
Four questions. Pick the one that fits you right now.
Give to the Twin Cities organizations doing food, legal, and bond work — and give in the way that helps most.
Where to give → Before the testWhat protected Minneapolis was built in ordinary time. Here's how to build it in your own community.
Start building → This fallFederal agents at a polling place are a crime, not a hypothetical. How to be an election judge, what to document, who to call.
Read the playbook → If it comesA detention site is being proposed nearby. This is the playbook communities have used to stop them.
Open the playbook →These are the Twin Cities organizations carrying the work. Where it helps, a self-updating national directory is listed too, so you can find the same kind of help anywhere.
Give cash, and give monthly. Unrestricted money moves faster than donated goods and lets an organization respond to what's actually needed. A small recurring gift is worth more than a one-time surge — it lets them plan and hold capacity between crises.
The fastest way to find the food bank serving any address in the country. The directory updates itself as member organizations change.
feedingamerica.org/find-your-local-foodbankThe upper Midwest's largest hunger-relief organization, supplying more than 1,000 food shelves and meal programs — the backbone many mutual-aid networks drew on during the surge.
2harvest.orgCulturally connected food access — sourcing halal, kosher, and culturally familiar food that generic supplies can't meet, for Somali, Hmong, Latino, and East African communities.
thefoodgroupmn.orgMeal delivery to homebound seniors and people with disabilities — a lifeline for residents unable or afraid to leave home.
meals-on-wheels.comMedically tailored meals for people living with serious illness — critical for those cut off from care and isolated at home.
openarmsmn.orgA national directory of nonprofit immigration legal-aid providers — the way to find trustworthy representation in any state.
immigrationlawhelp.orgFree and low-cost immigration legal services. During the surge its attorneys filed habeas petitions and represented families transferred out of state. Donations fund direct representation; attorneys can ask about pro bono partnership.
ilcm.orgComunidades Organizando el Poder y la Acción Latina — frontline organizing: community defenders, rapid-response networks, know-your-rights materials, and connection to legal and material aid.
copalmn.orgFind a community bail or immigration-bond fund anywhere in the country.
communityjusticeexchange.org/nbfn-directoryPays bail and immigration bonds for people who can't afford them — keeping detention from becoming the pressure that forces a plea or a signature. Donations go directly to bond payments.
mnfreedomfund.orgIf you don't live in Minneapolis, the most useful thing this book offers isn't a list to donate to — it's a way to prepare your own community. None of what protected Minneapolis was unique to it. All of it can be built anywhere, in calm weather, before it's needed.
Does your city or county have a separation ordinance limiting local law enforcement's cooperation with federal immigration enforcement? If not, ask your council why, and what passing one would take. The Advocates for Human Rights publishes plain-language guidance.
theadvocatesforhumanrights.orgThe clergy coalition that showed up in Minneapolis existed because congregations had been in relationship for years. If your faith community isn't yet connected across lines — to Muslim, Jewish, and other communities near you — that work can begin now.
The care networks that fed Minneapolis grew out of infrastructure built during the COVID years. Mutual Aid Hub maps existing networks and publishes guidance for starting one.
mutualaidhub.orgTrained legal observers who document enforcement lawfully were central to what Minneapolis could later prove. The National Lawyers Guild trains community members; it takes a few hours and is offered in most cities.
nlg.orgThe Immigrant Legal Resource Center's Red Cards explain, in plain language and many languages, what to do if immigration agents come to the door. They can be printed and handed out.
ilrc.org/red-cardsEvery community has one; every one is underfunded; each is the first line of defense when rights are violated. A small recurring gift helps it hold the capacity a crisis demands. Find yours through the national directory above.
immigrationlawhelp.orgFederal agents at a polling place are not a hypothetical; they are a crime. Federal law forbids stationing armed federal officers at the polls, and Minnesota law bars law enforcement of any level from being posted at a polling place unless election judges call them. DHS has said ICE “is not planning operations targeting polling locations.” Hold them to it.
Judges run the polling place, and they are the only people who can summon police to it. Two hours of training, paid, and you apply through your city or county.
From September 18, anyone who would rather not be at a polling place on the day doesn’t have to be. Absentee ballots can be requested by mail or cast in person at your county election office.
Time, place, uniforms, vehicles, what they did. Tell an election judge. Then call the Election Protection hotline: 1-866-OUR-VOTE (Spanish 1-888-VE-Y-VOTA).
Voting in twos and threes is a form of watching back. Offer a ride; ask a neighbor who might be nervous to come with you.
Ask whether you are free to leave. You do not have to answer questions about where you were born or your immigration status; you can say “I want to remain silent.” Then call the hotline above.
The observer model that watched ICE in Minneapolis has been turned toward the polls. Monarca Democracy Defense trainings run through neighborhood associations and Unidos MN.
Bookmark this before you need it. The federal detention build-out runs on speed and secrecy — the aim is to get a site approved before the surrounding community can organize, because once permits issue and construction begins, leverage collapses. Communities across the political spectrum have stopped proposed facilities anyway, by working the same points of leverage, roughly in this order.
ICE rarely tells local governments before it moves. File public-records requests with your city, county, and state for permits, environmental reviews, and contracts tied to large warehouse purchases by federal agencies. Watch planning and zoning agendas.
Tracking tools: Detention Watch Network · Indivisible's map of proposed & confirmed sites
City councils, county boards, and zoning commissions are where opposition turns into something elected officials must answer to. In Surprise, Arizona, hundreds packed council meetings to demand the city force DHS to disclose its plans. What an official most needs to hear: constituents are watching, and it will matter at the next election.
Zoning codes, building permits, utility-service decisions, and moratoriums all create friction. Jurisdictions have pursued environmental review under the National Environmental Policy Act, which gives opponents a legal foothold. Ask your city attorney or a local environmental-law group what tools you have.
Legal resources on local authority: National Immigration Law Center
The private parties are not the federal government, and they answer to reputation and money in ways DHS doesn't. Warehouse owners have walked away from federal sales after sustained public campaigns. Find out who owns the site and who the operators are — the two largest, CoreCivic and GEO Group, are publicly traded, with boards and investors who can be reached.
The most effective opposition comes from places that don't fit a partisan script — fiscal conservatives who object to no-bid contracts and secrecy, environmental advocates, faith communities, and neighbors who simply don't want a federal detention center down the road. A coalition that crosses party lines is harder to dismiss and harder to caricature.
These aren't isolated flukes. In Kansas City, Oklahoma City, and Merrimack, New Hampshire, sustained pressure blocked proposed facilities. In Hutchins, Texas — a town of six thousand — the warehouse's owner backed out of a federal sale. In Social Circle, Georgia, the city cut off water service to a planned site until ICE explained itself. They're a pattern, and the pattern has a logic: apply it early, apply it together, and it works.
The strategy deployed in Minneapolis — concentrated enforcement in a pluralist city, meant to provoke the disorder that justifies escalation — is available to any administration willing to use it. What Minneapolis showed is that a community with strong civic institutions, deep mutual aid, interfaith trust, legal infrastructure, and the habit of documentation can absorb that pressure and remain recognizable to itself on the other side.
The distance between powerless and organized is not courage or virtue. It is preparation — the steady, unglamorous, often invisible work described here. It's the work that decides whether your community, when its test comes, will have what Minneapolis had.
Minneapolis: a city protecting her own.
Corrections. No corrections have been posted yet. If you find an error of fact in the book, write to contact@cityprotects.com with the page or passage. Confirmed corrections will be listed here, with the date, and folded into later editions.
Updates. The book closes its account in the summer of 2026. Developments that change the record after that—court rulings, investigations, releases, deaths—are noted here with the date and a source, newest first. The full list of sources cited in the book is on the Sources page.
The evidence has stopped coming. The book leaves the state investigations of the three Operation Metro Surge shootings where the summer left them: after months of refusal, the federal government had begun handing over evidence, and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty had thanked federal prosecutors for it. It did not last. In filings made October 13 in Minnesota’s lawsuit against the Justice Department, Moriarty and Bureau of Criminal Apprehension Superintendent Drew Evans say the cooperation announced in July ended within days of that thanks, without explanation. U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen first described it as a pause and said he was optimistic sharing would resume soon; on September 10, according to the filings, he said his office would stop sharing evidence indefinitely, citing “challenges with D.C.” Moriarty wrote that she was left to understand no further evidence would come “unless and until there was a change in policy” in Washington, and that in other cases, including complex homicides, federal cooperation continues as normal. In a sworn statement, Evans listed what the state still does not have: the cellphone of the agent who shot Renée Good and the clothing she was wearing; the firearms used to shoot Alex Pretti, the gun Pretti carried, and the casings and projectiles from the scene; and a recorded statement from one of the agents who shot him. The summer handover had been bought with the state’s own evidence against Christian Castro in the Sosa-Celis shooting, offered on the condition that “the exchange is reciprocal.” The state says it has kept its side of that bargain and is still sharing what it gathered with federal investigators. These are the state’s assertions in a court filing; the Justice Department and the Department of Homeland Security did not respond to questions about them. Nine months after the shootings, no charging decision has been made in the killing of Good or of Pretti.
Sources: FOX 9, Oct. 16, 2026 · CNN, Oct. 15, 2026 · AP, July 13, 2026Released, then arrested at the door. The book leaves the federal court in Minnesota counting the orders ICE had violated—97 across 66 cases—and Chief Judge Patrick Schiltz ending his order with a warning: “One way or another, ICE will comply with this Court’s orders.” Immigration attorneys say ICE has found a way to comply on paper only. On September 22, a federal judge found that a man MPR News identifies only as Alejandro had been unlawfully arrested and ordered him released “immediately.” Three days later he was brought to the Whipple Federal Building, handed his belongings, told he was free, and handcuffed by plainclothes agents just outside the front doors. On October 1, Ivan, a construction worker whose habeas petition had also been granted, signed his release papers at Whipple and was arrested by five federal agents before he could leave the building. Both men are now held in the Freeborn County Jail. Four attorneys told MPR the same thing has happened to others; one of attorney Daniel Suitor’s clients re-arrested this way has since been deported. Suitor plans to argue that letting someone get a few feet past the door is not the release a judge ordered. ICE and DHS did not respond to MPR’s request for comment. The legal ground has also shifted: in March the Eighth Circuit sided with the administration on holding immigrants without bond hearings, and on October 1 the Supreme Court agreed to review the policy.
Sources: MPR News, Oct. 5, 2026 · Sahan Journal, Mar. 31, 2026 · AP, Oct. 1, 2026Renée Good’s family has sued. The book leaves Good’s killing without a federal investigation: the Justice Department said none existed, and what its leaders pursued instead was a case against her widow. On October 1, Becca Good and Brent Ganger, trustee for Good’s next of kin, sued in U.S. District Court in Minnesota. The defendants are Jonathan Ross, the ICE agent who shot her, and six senior officials—Stephen Miller, Kristi Noem, Corey Lewandowski, Tom Homan, Todd Lyons, and Gregory Bovino—each sued as an individual. The 149-page complaint alleges that the operation was a planned conspiracy to make Minnesotans of Somali and Hispanic descent “the object of aggression and abduction” and to silence, by intimidation, the neighbors who watched and warned. It brings that claim under the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, including the act’s provision against those who “go in disguise on the highway,” aimed at the operation’s masked agents. It also claims excessive force under the Fourth Amendment and wrongful death under Minnesota law, and it asks for a jury trial. A second suit, against the United States under the Federal Tort Claims Act, was filed alongside it. Both cases are assigned to Judge Laura M. Provinzino. As of the filing, Ross had not been charged, and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty’s state investigation was still slowed by the federal government’s refusal to share evidence. Everything in a complaint is an allegation until it is proven.
Sources: Complaint, Ganger v. Ross, No. 0:26-cv-04231 (D. Minn. Oct. 1, 2026) (PDF) · Complaint, Ganger v. United States, No. 0:26-cv-04230 (D. Minn. Oct. 1, 2026) (PDF) · Docket, No. 0:26-cv-04231 (Justia) · Reuters, Oct. 1, 2026Christian Castro is in Minnesota. The book leaves the ICE agent charged in the January 14 shooting of Julio Cesar Sosa-Celis free in Texas, Governor Abbott’s extradition answer still unwritten, and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty saying, “we will see him soon.” She has. Castro drove north after his release on bond in the federal false-statements case and was arrested by the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension in downtown Minneapolis on September 16. He appeared in Hennepin County District Court on September 17 on the state charges—four counts of second-degree assault and one of falsely reporting a crime—where Judge Paul Scoggin set bail at $200,000 on conditions that include electronic monitoring, no firearms, no contact with witnesses, and a signed waiver of extradition; he was released that evening. On September 18 he pleaded not guilty in U.S. District Court in St. Paul to the six federal counts of making false statements to investigators. Moriarty expects Castro to ask that the state case be moved to federal court, which her office has said it is prepared to litigate. It remains the first Justice Department prosecution of a federal officer for anything done during Operation Metro Surge, and the charge remains the lie, not the shooting.
Sources: FOX 9, Sept. 16, 2026 · NBC News / AP, Sept. 18, 2026 · Minnesota Reformer, Sept. 18, 2026